
Book .C 7 g"? 



\ 



THE 

DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. 

r 

SERIO TS REFINE € TIOJ\*S 

FOR THE 



BY A FRIEND OF UNION AND LIBERTY. 



UNITED WE SlANi' — nVlUCD WF, FAIL.' 



" Frenzied be the head — 'palsied the arm — of him who attempts to dissolve tho 
Union." — Gen. Eaton, the hero of Derne. 

"Chori-!i ii cordial, habitual and iinmoveable attachment to the union ; accustomino; 
vour?:clvf^■ lo think, and .'spoak of it as the palladium of your political yaftty and pros- 
perity ; disconnteiiancino; whatever may .'Jugge.<t even a suspicion that it can in any 
event be abandoned ; and indignantly frowning upon the firH duivning of every attempt 
to alienate any part of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties whick noiv link 
together the ra-ious p'lri^.-' — General AVasliiHeiori's Farewell Addre.ss. 

" The Uuii>n. Notliin? short of iii.'^utt'eiable oppre.s.>!on, actually felt, and not «i- 
frrred from doubtful premises, should make a wise man wish its dissolution." — James 
Lowndes, Es'j. 

"Permit me, Sir, toinakeoneor two ob.servation= upon thecompeteney of the State 
governments to re-;i.;t the authority or execution of a law of Congress. What kind 
of resistance can they make v.liich i.^ constitutional? I know of bit one kind ; and 
THAT H BY ELECTK)>i'S. The People am* the States have a rijht to change the 
mcml)ers of the National Legislature, and m that way, AND IN THAT ALONE, 
can thev clFect a chanoc of the measures of this Government. It is true there is an- 
otlier kind of resistance wliieh may be made, but is UNKNOWN TO TKE CON- 
STITUTION. This re.'-istance depends upon physical force — it i? an appeal to the 
MWord ; and hy the svord must that appeal he derided, and not by the provisions of the 
Constitution." — Jf. H. Cratvford,Esq. Ex-Sfcretaryojf the Treasury of the United States. 



WITH A PREFACK BY THE PUBLISHER, 



First Charleston Edition. \ 



Pilnltd an^ PiiM-Jahrd ^y William BstUI^ 

NO. 30 BKOAIJ-.STREiT. 



PREFACE. 



The present alarming crisis in the political aflairi of ©ur 
country, loudly calls for the wisdom, strength, and united energies 
of the friends of Union and Liberty — of all those who have the 
power,' the glory, and the happiness of the United States at heart 
— atid ol those who regard the permanence of our institutions as a 
national blessing. 

We are unquestionably on the eve of some great political 
change, some mighty Revolution, perhaps some terrible convulsion. 

It is the object of the following essays to awaken attention to 
this state of things, to arouse the public mind to a sense of its dan- 
ger — to shake oil' the apathy and indifference with which it seems 
to be shrouded — and by bringing to the view of this community a 
few simple facts appertaining to the American System, to endea- 
vour Jo counteract the delusion under which a large and respecta- 
ble portion of the people (of both parties) seem to labor. To re- 
move the morliid sensibilities, irritation, and party excitement 
which now divide and distract this State, the iniiuence of which 
has extended to the neighboring States, and to almost all parts of 
the country ; nothing more is necessary, than, that the public i)iind 
should be enlifshtened. It is essentially necessary that there should 
be a proper understanding of the nature, tendency, and eflect, of 
tlie PROTECTIVE svsTEM. Tliis is a momentous:, and has now be- 
come the all absorbing question — both sides oi* which, should be 
freely discu.^sed. Popular prejudice, however, has been so excited 
against this system, as almost to close up the avenues of truth. 
Opportunities for correct information, are extremely rare. Almost 
all that we sec or hear on the subject, are ex parte statements. Ev- 
ery thing is now Anti-tariff. The multitude are disposed blindly 
to follow the ipse dixit of their leaders, without reason and with- 
out rellection, whether right or xcrong. Of course, great ignorance, 
and a vast amount of prejudice must necessarily |)revail on thi« 
nuuli abused subject. By such a temporizing comse of proceed- 
ing — by fostering publie prejudice, and the antipathies of certain 
individuals — by shaping their course as near as possible to the 
opinions and principlesof their opponents, without actually rvnining 
i^to them — by thus pursuing what they belive to be a deep game, 



iV. PREFACE. 

the Union party are gradually, and imperceptably, besoming, not 
only imbued with Anti-tarifl' doctrines, but as hostile to the sys- 
tem as the Nullifiers themselves. This is a mistaken policy — 
by pursuing- such a course, where the Union party make one 
proselyte, h-om among their opponents, they probably lose two 
good Union men. 

Notwithstanding the violent opposition which now exists be- 
tween the two great parties in this State, so far as opinions arc 
expressed, there seems to be no great diflerence between theru. 

Opposition is the watch word of both. Neither are they 
running on parallel hues — but on lines which converge. And if 
tiie Union party continue to run this course, whether with or with- 
out the aid of the author of" Occasional ]Re\iews "* they must 
necesssarily soon run together; and the Union parly, being in ilie 
minority, will of course, be merged in the other. This their oppo- 
nents hope and expect, and have long since boastingiy predicted. 
If the principles, operation and bearing of our Tariff lav.>-, were 
properly apprehended — If opportunities of correct infoimation w^cre 
generally afforded, sectional feelings, ai:d sectional je;ilous es 
would soon be banished — prejudices would be chased away, and the 
mind w^ould be emancipated from its thialdom, just in proper ion 
to its illumination. 

We want no mistification, no metaphy^sical subtleties, no elab- 
orate refinement about the matter, such as the 40 bale theory — 
the duties on imports the same as if they were on exports — that 
high duties make high prices; in other words, that the price of a 
domestic artiple is always in proportion to the duty upon the for- 
eign, with which it comes in competition — the violatioiiof the spir- 
it of the constitution but not the letter — and the like. The ques- 
tion is one of plain common sense, and when stripped of its invest- 
ments, is perfectly comprehensible to every inteUigent mind. 

It is no unusual thing in these eccentric times, to witness es- 
says and addresses which contain the most unanswerable argu- 
ments in favor of .\e Federal Government and of the protective 
SYSTEM — which breathe the loftiest sentiments of virtue and pa- 
triotism — and which perhaps at the sanse time, conclude, by de- 
nouncing the Tariif as unconslUvAlonal, unjust, and oppressive. Then 
comes the question as to the remedy — " the mode and measure of 
redress." Some would operate by the r)ionil injiuence of a great 
Southern Convention — some by open resistance — whilst others 
are disposed to rest their hopes upon Stale action alone, under the 
mild and peaceful form of nullification. We wish all men would 
come out openly and boldly and tell us what they mean, in terniis 
not be misunderstood. Honest)^ is always the best policy. 

If any tiling in our government can be said to be fully and 
fairly estabhshed, it is the perfect and entire constitutionality of 
+ Att''ibatci] to Lancdcn ChcYfa. * 



PREFACE. V. 

fJue principle of protection. The power of Congress to protect 
American industry, or to lay conntervairmg duties, rests not only 
upon the internal evidence of the constitution itself, but upon 
the declaration of many of the framers of that inslrumcnt, and up- 
on numerous precedents ever since its establishment in 1789. The 
expediency of Legislative enactments for the purposes of encour- 
agement and protection as well as for revenue, is a question about 
which therealwayshas, and probably always willbe,somedifrerence 
of opinion. But there can be no doubt, that upon thr judicious 

AND regular exercise OF THIS POWER, DEPENDS THE 

STRENGTH and GLORY of the AMERICAN REPUBLIC. 

The act of congress reducing the duties on certain imports in 
1830, and the new Tariff Law of 1832, were passed by the Fed- 
eral Government, and by vote of the (more immediately) interes- 
ted majority, in the true spirit of conciliation and compromise ; and 
ought to have been so received. 

It is true resolutions were passed by the people in some of 
the Districts of this State, merely expressing their approbation of 
the votes of Col. Drayton, Gen. Blair, and Mr. Mitchell. But 
resolutions ought to have been passed by the people in every Dis- 
trict, not only expressive of their approbation of the votes of these 
three gentlemen, but of Congress as a body, by whose magnanim- 
ity the act of the 14th, July, 1832, entitled "an act to alter and 
amend the several acts imposing duties on Imports," had been 
passed. For having the power, they might have with-held the 
boon. Instead of denouncing the Act as unconstitutional, and 
even more unjust and oppressive than the Tariff of 1828, (as some 
have done,) they should have passed resolutions, declaring their 
full and perfect satisfaction, with the provisions of the new Law. 

The very first principle of a Republican Government, is, that 
the majority must rule. And where we would a^k is the patriotism 
of that minority, who refuses submission to this principle? Our 
government was commencedinthe true spirit of compromise among 
the different States, and can only be continued by the exercise 
of the same spirit. 

In the present crisis of our affairs, we would also ask, what 
compromise is offered on the part of South Carolina. None — 
none whatever. She claims to liave the whole contiol of Govern- 
ment — to rule the Nation, or threatens secession, withall itsdircful 
consecjuences. If her demands upon the General Government are 
yielded to by Congress, the measures will effectually break down 
the North, without materially benefitting the South. Their effect 
will be toimpoverishtheTariffStates,withoutenriching the Anti-Ta- 
riff States. Besides, the giving up the very principle and power of pro- 
tection^ which is now demanded, would so completely paraiize and 
cripple the Federal Govenuneut, as finally to lead to its dissolution. 
1* 



Vil- PREFACE. 

It is better that South Carolina should nullify at once, ay ob- 
jectionable as that measure is, and innnediately conunence the con- 
test — than that the permanency of our institutions should be put 
to hazard, by yieldinj^ the whole principle of their strength. 

The agriculturists and manufacturers of the North and West, 
voluntarily reliu(|uished a portion of their interests with a view ta 
conciliate their brethren of the South. They voted for a reduction , 
of duties on both protected and unprotected articles — not because 
they believed that the law, as it then stood, operated oppressively 
or even injuriously upon the South — not from any sense of wrongs 
or any consciousness of injustice — nor from a conviction that a re- 
duction of the existing duties would be any very special benefit to 
them. But so far as a reduction of duties upon protected articles 
was concerned, they relinquished a positive good, for the sake of 
removing an imaginary evil. And this too, in the true spirit of re- 
conciliation. And how have they been treated 1 What thanks 
have they received ] Let the Southern Press speak. ^ ^ ^ ^ 

Wo shall derive no material benetit from the reduction of du- 
ties on protected articles, when the new Tariff goes into operation. 
And it may be confidently asserted, that if by any subsequent Le- 
gislation the whole of these duties were taken oflf, it would be no 
relief to the South — but on the contrary, it would oppress the 
whole country, and what would oppress the whole country, must 
necessarily oppress us. 

From the multiplied facts, and incontrovertible arguments in 
support of this question, the Publisher has brought forward the 
few contained in the following essays, in the hope of awakening 
attention to the subject. The converse of the proposition has been 
sufficiently discussed. Indeed it is worn quite threadbare — It has 
been so long and so much distorted, and so often turned and twis- 
ted into every possible shape, that any argument on the subject is 
now quite disgusting. The Editor thinks and feels that it is now 
high time that free inquiry should find Its advocates and supporters 
as well as " free trade." The former has been shamefully neglec- 
ted, whilst the latter hasfounda sufficient number ofpropagandists, 
who by their zeal and indefatigable exertions, have been able to 
push (what should be considered in the present stage of society, a 
political heresy) the specious doctrine of free trade, into every sec- 
tion of the State, and into all quarters of the country. A doctrine 
which is advocated by one or two British writers, hut which is scout- 
ed by all British Statesmen. It is beautiful in theory, but ruinous in 
practice, because the selfishness of mankind prevents it from being 
reciprocal. It is a system which has often been tried by individual 
nations, but which has as often failed — and seems to be one adap- 
ted only to the Millenial state. 

The present small undertaking, is merely intended to elicit in- 



PREFACE. VIJ. 

quiry, and to serve as an example for other printers! nnd publishers 
who have more ability, and a greater opportunity of doing good. 

In presenting these Essays to the Charleston public, the Editor 
will here take tlie liberty of observing, that, in common w ith the 
writer, he has no other interest to promote than that of virtue and 
patriotism — the peace and good order of society — the prosperity and 
happiness of his country. The writer's age and experience, ought 
to command respect for, and attention to his counsels. His char- 
acter and standing in society, are sufficient to shield him from the 
imputation of being actuated by sinister motives. He has no per- 
sonal interest to subserve, other than that which is conmion to every 
citizen of the United States, And there are too many instances of 
his disinterested benevolence on record, to permit any one for a 
moment to believe, that he is capable of being governed by any 
other principle, than that of pure christian philanthropy. 

FELLOW CITIZENS ! Let us charitably hope that the 
benevolent intentions of the Venerable Author of the following 
pages, may be duly appreciated by every Citizen of South Caro- 
oUna — and that the love of Country — our whole country — may 
overcome every sectional feeling and prejudice — And that the 

PATRIOTIC AND ARDENT LOVE OF LIBERTY, MAY CEMENT US IN 
A PERFECT, AND AN INDISSOLUBLE BOND OF UNION ! ! ! 

Your Obedient Servant. 

THE EDITOR. 

Charleston, October hi. 1832, 



DISSOLUTIOX OF THE UNIOi:. 



—««-<>«»— 



.vo. jr. 

The eyes ul' the civili;:cd world arc now directed (owards the 
Unifed S;ates witli inletirfe inteie^t. The despots and friends of 
despotism, are elated with the hopes and the lluttering pros^pect, 
that we shall be torn with factions — our government destroyed — 
and a full proof atibrded, of the unholy doctrine that man is not 
made for self-government — a doctrine \\hich gees far to justify all 
the arbitrary governments that have ever exiisted — or that now or 
may hereafter exist. On the oilier hnnd, the friends of genuine 
liberty and liuraan happiness, whose hopes of good and rational 
government, have greatly rested on the result of our experiment, 
begun under such favourable auspices, are in deep gloom and anx- 
iety, lest all their fond hopes and wishes should be disappointed, 
by our folly, or our madness, or both. The "long agony will 
»oon be over," as the nuHifiers, having by infinite address and 
management, indeiatigable exertions, and di-iirihution far and 
wide, of their insurrectionary doctrines, wrought the people to a 
slate of frenzy, ar^ now diiving matters to extremity, lest the ef- 
fervescence should sul.'side. 

After having for months held out the delusive idea, that nul- 
lification was the best mode of preserving the Union ! f ! that it was 
a peaceful remedy ! ! ! for all their grievances — after having thus 
brought the citizens, step by stej), to the verge of the awful preci- 
pi':e, they presume theie is no chance of retrocession, and throw 
off the disguise, and boldly and openly proclaim the necessity of 
a ^^dissolution of the Union.^' Had they originally announced 
these views, they would have been frowned down into insignifi- 
cance. But, well aware of this consequence, they concealed their 
ulthnate views, until they had gradually excited the public pas- 
sions to madness, and prepared the citiiiens for the most violent 

and destructive measures — ^ 

• 

" S£.^ipn is a. monster of such niciii 
.") As, to l)P hated, needs hut to he sof^n: 

'^'et seen too oft, tainihur with Irt face, 
We first endure — then ])itv — th^n embrace." 



10 DISSOLUTION OP THE UNIOJT. 

The Columbia Times has recently sounded the tocsio, to 
your tents, O Israel. Let it speak for itself. 

" The Union of these Slates is now virtually dissolved, dissolved in the only place 
where it can be ponnaiu'nt, viz. in the hearts of the people, it is in vain to erv out for 
the preservation of the tJnion, wlien o century cannot eradicate, the prejudices that already 
ucisl between the people of the J^forth and So'dh. Is it the nature of man to love his op- 
pressor? Is it the nature of man to love the hii^hwayman that presents a loaded pistol to 
his breast with one hand, while with the other he fUches from his pockets the price of his 
hard industry 1 

" It may be assorted wifhont the dread of refutation, that to preserve the Union is t» 
continue the tyranny of your oppressors, and to rivet the chains of slavery. The preserit is 
not a lime for cull lemporizinfi: policy. All diSijuise should be thrown off", and patriot- 
ism, (as in the davs that tried men's souls,) should speak — THIS UNION MUST 
BE DISSOLVED. 

" The line !)it\vcen the oppressors and the oppressed, is as distinctly marked out 
as that betwixt the ^Nmericun C(jlonies (iiid tlie Crovvii of Britain in 1776. The cases 
are the same. It is the yorenrment against the people. And it, is not in the power of 
human reason to controvert it. Let tones and consolidationisfs en/ " Treason!'" " Trea- 
S07i!" and at the same time remember, that the sanie exelaniation drowned the voire of 
Patrick Henry, v.hen, witheloeiucnceunequalled^he c:avo tiiat first impulse to the ball 
ef the revolution, which established, atlciist tor a seapon, the liberty of America. 

" I will not shrink from the responsihiliiy of the assertion, t!iat the true policy of the 
South is, TO sEi'AKATE FROM THE U.vio.v. To coutinue in union, is to continue liko 
the fabled Atlas, to groan under tlic wx'ight of a woild on your shoulders." 

We set a glorious example to ihe nations of Europe, which some 
•f them eagerh-foIlo\ved, with at least equal zeal, but unfortunately, 
in most cases, with very unequal success. France, after thelossof 
above a million of lives, hundreds of millions of moaey, and two 
revolutions, appears to be under a government more arbitrary than 
that of Louis XVI. Spdri, which at one time had a noble form of 
government, that guardfed equally against the iron hand of despot- 
ism, and the lawless ravages of arKirc'jy, has succumbed to the arbi- 
trary sway of a despot, Vv^lio, with base ingratiiudri, destroyed a 
large portion of the illustrious menr who risked their lives and prop- 
perty, and spilled their blood, to pave It's v/ay to the throne. Por- 
tugal had for a short (itne, a free and liberal constitution, but lias 
groaned for a year or two, beneath the sway of a modern Nero or 
Tiberius. Italy made some noble eflbrts at the resuscitatiori of 
her ancient glory and liberties, which unhappily eventuated in the 
exile, the incarceration in subterraneous dungeons, the cruel tor- 
tures, and the ignominious death of some of the most enlightened 
men of modern times. Poland, ofter the most heroic struggles in 
the same glorious cause, met with a still more lamentable fate. 
Not satisfied with the banishment of many of her noble defenders' 
to the wilds of Siberia — the incarceration of others — the disgrace- 
ful execution of a portion- — the jani.ssary arrangement of scattering 
thousands of her children, through the provinces and among the 
serfs of Russia ; the autocrat has blotted her out of the map of Eu- 
rope. And to crown the whole,, the late winds from Europe hare 



•DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. 11 

brought us the appalling inlelligcnce, that the mighty powers, 
Austria and Prussia, have conspiied with the petty princes of 
<j!ermany, to put down forever all chance of liberation of that no- 
bl€ country, the birth place of some of the most exalted of the hu- 
man race, almost without a hope of relief; for this unholy con- 
spiracy has the command of such prodigious standing armies, as 
must be utterly iiresistible by any of these desultcry movements, 
which, under the peculiar circumstances of the case, the people 
.^an adopt: — and as all despots make common cause, sliould the 
forces of Austria and Prussia be insutlicient at any future day, to 
crush the rising spirit of Germany, those of Russia will be ready 
to unite with them in the unhallowed crusade against the rights of 
inan. 

And this is the auspicious moment which Governor Hamil- 
ion, ex-governor Miller, Mr, M'Duffie, Mr. Turnbull, Mr. Ilnyne, 
Judge Cooper, and the party to which they belong, and whose 
movements th«y in a great degree decide, have selected to coun- 
teilance, as far as in their power, the impious <lesigns of the con- 
spiring despots of Europe ; to rend in pieces the glorious fabric of 
our government by repealing, by the sic volo sic jubee of a single 
state, a law of the U. States enacted with all the formalities pre- 
scribed by the Constitution — a law of which the constitutionality 
has been duly recognized by the judiciary of the United States, 
the ouly tribunal competent to decide on it — a law the .principle of 
wliich has been also recognised and advocated and strenuously 
urged on Cougress by Gen. Washiiigton, Mr. Jefl'erson, Mr. Madi- 
son, and Mr, Monroe, and also ably supported by Mr. Ames, Mr, 
Clymer, Mr- Lowndes, &c. more especially, in the most forcible 
and conclusive style, by Mr, Calhoun and Judge Cooper (now, by 
a strange change of opinion, among- the warmest sticklers for the 
unconstitutionality of this law) and by successive Congresses for 
above forty years, duriag thirty of whiclr its cojistitutionality was 
never called in question by any one, even of those who were vio- 
lently opposed to many of its details : — in a word to rise in rebel- 
lion against the national authority 1 and on grounds moat .severe- 
ly reprobated by two of the leaders, Mr. M'Duffie and Mr, Hayne, 
ix\ the year 1821, 

And what are those grounds'? Let us have them explicitly 
stated — 

The doctrine in substance, (the phraseology is unimportant) 
i.s, that when a state believes a law unconstitutional, she may an- 
nul or " nullify " it within her own borders. This is nearly equiv- 
alent to the Polish libemmveto, the real source of all the calamities 
of that fine country for centuries, and which ultimately yielded 
her an easy prey to her rapacious neighbours. Instead of attenip- 
ting myself a refutation of this disorganizing doctrine, which is ut- 
terly incompatible with the permaneuco of goveruuieut, and whick 



12 D1J5S0LUTI0N OF THE UNION. 

had it been acted upon, in the progress of our affairs, particularly 
in the case of the alien and sedition laws, would, at an early stage 
of our career, have resolved our confederacy into its original ele- 
ments, I shall place before the reader the irresistible arguments of 
an authority to which the most ardent nuUifier in the state cannot 
object : 

'• If, after the J^ationd Judiciary have solemnly affirmed the constitutionality of a law, 
it is still to be resisted by the State riders, the constitutivn is literally at an end; arerolution 
of the government is already accomplished ; and anarchy waves her horrid sceptre over the 
broken altars of this happy Union! 

" You assert that when any conflict shall occur between the genera! and state 
governments, as to the extent of their respective powers, " EACir PARTY HAS 
A RIGHT TO JUDGE FOR ITSELF.'" I confess I am at a loss to know how 
such a proposition ougiit to be treated. No climax of political heresies can be 

IMAGINED, IN WHICH THIS MIGHT NOT FAIRLY CLAIM THE MOST PROMINENT PLACE. 1t 
resolves the government, at once, INTO THE ELEMENTS OF PHYSICAL FORCE; AND 
INTRODUCES US DIRECTLY INTO A SCENE OF ANARCHY AND BLOOD. There is HOt a sin- 
gle power delegated to the general government, which it would not be in the power of 
every state government to destroy under the authority of this licentious priiicijilc. 

" To suppose that the general government have a constitutional right to exercise certain 
pcywers, lohich must operate upon the people of the states, and yet that the government of each 
state has a right to fix and determine its oivn relative powers, and by necessary consequence, 
to limit the pmoers of the general government, is to suppose the existence of two contradic- 
tory and inconsistent rights. In all governments there nmst be some one supreme pow- 
er; in other words, every question that can arise, as to llie constitutional extent of the 
powers of different classes of tunctionaries, must be susceptible of a legal and peace- 
able detennination by some tribunal of acknowledged authority, or force must be the 
inevitable consequence. And where force begins, government ends." 

The reader will find it difficult to believe — but strange as 
it may seem, it is nevertheless true — that these were the senti- 
ments of Mr. M'Duf^ie in the year 1821 ! Comment on the enor- 
mous discrepancy between those sentiments and the insurrectiona- 
ry doctrines now professed by this gentleman as a nuliifier, would 
be an insult to the understanding of the reader. 

With the essays from which tlie above quotation is extract- 
ed, which were signed "One of the people," Major, now Govern- 
or Hamilton, was so enchanted, that he collected them from the 
newspapers, and published them in paniplilet form with a strong 
commendation of their cogency and merits, of which the following 
forms a part. 

" The argument of ' One of the People ' is now preserited in an unbroken 'suc- 
cession, familiar to the most ordinary, and gratifying to the most comprehensive un^ t- 
staadino-. THE TRUTHS THAT ARE Uj^FOLDED ARl': IN THEIR 
NATUllE ESSENTIALLY IMPERISHABLE. A^'hatever may he. the fete of 
our National Charter, whether our descendants are long destined to admire and wor- 
ship that solidity which may give duration to its existence, and those proportions tluit 
now confer grandeur on its design, or, in a far different mood, to mourn over the ruins of 
so- fair a fabric, equivalent testimony will he afforded of the sacredness of the principles that 
are here incvlcntcd; of their faithful conservation in the first case, or of the uisastrous and 
desolating violation and neglect thty will have sustained in the last.^^ 

Pew instances can be found in history, of a more lamentable 
inconsistency and chn.'ige of sentiment, so fuliy frnught with the 
most miKSchicvous consequenteo — a change from a rational, ar- 



DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. 13 

dent tlcfptice of peace, good order, submission to government, and 
coii«ititution.il principles, to the open advocacy of principles subver- 
sive of all order, and leading most assuredly to a dissolution of the 
Union, and its certain attendant, civil war. When men of talents, 
intluouce, and indefatigable zeal* change f))eir principles and 
adopt others diametrically opposite, according as times and their 
political views and prospects change — they are ignes fatui, calcu- 
lated to lead nations to their ruin. Prudence, policy and sound 
sense proclaim them unsafe guides. 

It is time fearlessly to call things Ijy their proper names — and 
therefore I veni'ire to assert, that luillification is incipient "rebel- 
lion.^^ Rebellion is defined to be, open or violent resistance to the 
lawful authority of ii government. Nullification is resistance to a 
law enacted by the constitutional legislative authority of the LL 
States. This is the first stage of rebellion. The second will take 
place, if the executive, as in duty bound, attempts to enforce the 
law; violent resistance being determined on in that case. 

Omitting various conclusive argimients adduced in favour of 
the constitutionality of the pi'otecting system, the merits of the 
question n.ay be rested on the clear, cxj)licit and unanswerable 
admission of the Free Trade Convention, an authority, from which 
neither Governor Hamilton, nor Judge Cooper, nor Mr. M'Duffie, 
nor any of their friends, can appeal. That body stated that, 

"They (uhnit thai Congress jnni/ countervail the i-egulalimis of a foi'dgn pmcer, 
hostile lo our commerce.'" 

Now I will assume, as a postidate,that if a foreign nation en- 
acts '^regulatiom hostile lo our conxmercCy^ in the shape of prohibi- 
tions, or prohibitory duties, there is no possible mode in which we 
can "co7f/erra/7" those " hostile regulations,"^ \mi by the reciprocation 
of similar prohibitions <r prohibitory duties. 

Thus the case is simplified, and rendered level to the meanest 
capacity — and we have cnly to ascertain whether such "hostile 
regulations" of "foreig-n powers" do actually exist to an extent 
sulficient to justify our high duties. This is a point soon settled. 

Almost all the nations of Europe exclude our bread stufi's, the 
chief dependence of probably 4,000,000 of our ]K)ptdation, from 
consuinj);ioti in tlieir dominions, except hi case of dearth, existing 
or impending. Now, 1 trust that no honourable man will deny (hat 

*Tho zonl with which tlie iiullificrs are aptilafod, may he readily conceived from 
the fact, that tliey havcprintrd in tinrticn months i:?0,OOOiiisii;roctionary tracts, and, us 
I am »ivpn to understand, h?.ve oin|Tloyed a nimihor of propan^andists to spread thrm 
■ovi-r ail the .southern states. Durino; all tliis time, th<' friends of peace and unkm in the 
middle and eastern stat-^s, have lookeii on v.ifh the most etilpahlcand pcmM.'ious indif- 
ference, and made no rflbrt to eouiiferact the effect of those inHannnatoiy publications 
— so much n)ore ardoiir is displayed to oveiturn than siipp<j;t tho government. In a 
I'ltp statement I f^reatly overratetl tiic expense of thobc tractt*, as they are l>y no me«ui3 
60 large as I t-upposed. 

O. 



14 DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. 

this is a clear and palpable " regulation hostile to our commerce,'''' 
and would, if it stood alone, warrant, according to the admission of 
the Free, Trade Convention, and to the eternal principles of justice 
and self-defence, not merely the very highest duties we have ever 
imposed on any of the articles we import from those European 
nations, but absolute prohibition — for instance, of the brandies, or 
wines, or silks of France — of the iron wares, or cottons, or woollens 
of Great Britain — of the fruits or wines of Spain — of the gin of 
of Holland — of the hemp or iron of Russia. We, however, pro- 
hibit nothing. But the prohibitory duties of Europe are not con- 
fined to our bread stuffs. Every article with which they can dis- 
pense, with scarcely an exception, is in nearly the same predica- 
ment. Great Britain imposes a dut}'^ of about 100 per cent, on 
rice — 1000 per cent, on our leaf, and 2500 per cent, on our manu- 
factured tobacco — and on our lumber and various other articles, 
duties from 200 to 2000 per cent, more than on similar articles, im- 
ported from her colonies ! 

It may not be unnecessary to state a few instances. 

BRITISH DUTIES. 

From the United States. Frmi British Possessiom. 

Olive wood, per toa 169s. 6d. 12s. 4d. 

Oars, per 120 299s. 3d. 19s. 6d. 

Spermaceti oil, per ton 532s. Is. 

Whale fins, per cwt. 1900s. 20s. 

Gypsum, per ton 31s. Sd. Is. 3d. 

Copper ore, per cwt. r2s. Is. 

These, out of fifty similar instances, arc abundantly sufficient 
to prove the extreme inequality with which our trade is carried 
on with Europe, and to what a grevious extent we suffer from 
•' hostile regulations of foreign powers.''^ 

And yet, mirabile dictu, we are threatened with rebellion be- 
cause we impose duties on British Manufactures, which, except in 
four or five instances, do not average above twenty-five per cent. 
Surely never was national delusion carried much farther, than in 
the senseless clamour with which the nuUifying presses have 
abounded for four years on this subject. 

No addition is necessary to the admission of the Free Trade 
Convention. It is decisive. But it cannot be amiss to add to the 
conclusive reasoning of President Jackson, so often quoted, the 
force of which never has been and never can be impaired by the 
most talented advocate of free trade. Having premised that the 
states surrendered to the United States, the |)ower of imposing du- 
ties on imports, " icith a view to the encouragement of domestix: indus- 
try,^* he adds — 

" If this poiper be not possessed by the General Government, it must be extinct. Ovr 

POLITCAL SYSTEM WOULD THUS PRESENT THE ANOMALY OF A PEOPLE STRIPPED OF THE 
RiGIIT TO FOSTER THEIR OWN INDUSTRY, AND TO COUNTERACT THE MOST SELFISH AND 
DESTRUCTIVE POLICY WHICH MIGHT BE ADOPTED BY FOREIGN NATIONS. ThJS SUrely 



DISSOLUTION OF THE UNIONT. 15 

cannot he the case ; this indispcnsahlc power, thus surrendered by the states, mnst be 
within tlie scope bftltf authority on tliis suhjeet, expressly delegatwl to Congress-."— 
Presidtnt Jacksoti^ Message to Congress, Dec. 6, 1S30. 

This overwhelniiiig and unanswerable view of the subject is 
most earnestly and respectfully submitted to Col. Drayton, and 
the other leaders of the union prrty, who unfortunately believe in 
the unconstitutionality of the protecting system, and from that be- 
lief contend with their antagonists at an immense disadvantage. 

J1Y>. III. 

At the last session of Congress, the tariff of 1828 was discuss- 
ed in the spirit of compromise, and numerous modifications were 
made, by some of which the interests of ptuticnlar branches of 
manufactures were materially injured. It, was fondly hoped that 
those modilicactions would allay the effervescence in South Cnro- 
lina, and arrest the insurrectionary movements in that state. But 
unfortunately the expectaiion was vain — for the leaders have be- 
come more violent and more determined to carry into effect their 
destructive schemes. 

We are gravely assured, and in a solemn appeal to the heat- 
ed passions of the southern States, by citizens of high standing — 
Messrs. Hayne and Miller, of the Senate, and Messrs M'Duffie, 
Davis, Felder, Griffin, Nuckolls, and Barnwell, of the House of 
Representatives, that the new tariff is more oppressive to the south- 
ern states, than that of 1828 ! ! 

" Tke burdens of the Protecting Duties are decidedly increased, estimating the 
cash duties and diminished credi"» at an average of more tlian tifty per cent.; while the 
dtiUvi^ oil the unurotidtdarticlei,. which, upon every principle of r(]uahty and justice,' 
.should sustain llv principal part of tlio Ijurdens of taxation, are, with a few inconsidera- 
ble exceptions, tntirdy riptalcd. 

" t'pon those manufactures which are received in exchange for the staple produc- 
tions of the .Southern States, the aggregate inckea-se or the burdens of taxa- 
tion, BEYO.SD what THET WERE UNDER THE TaRIFF OF 1828, IS BELIEVED TO BE UP- 
WARDS OF On'e Million of Dollars ! ! ! while the reduction or repeal of the duties 
on those hnports <vhich we receive in exchange for the productions of the Tariff 
States, [?] and are principally consumed in those Stales, [?] amounts to about Jour miUion.i 
of dollars! Wliile, therefore, thi; aggregate burdens of Taxation are diminished four 
millions of dollars by this BiW, the positive burdens of the Southern States are not dimin- 
ished at all, and their relaiive burde7is are very greatly increased!'''' — ,'iddress of jMessrs. 
Jlayne, MiUtr, McDuffie, Davis, Felder, Js'uckols, and Baniweii, to the Citizens of SoiUh 
Carolina. 

Let us test these confideut statements by simple, vmdeniablc 
facts ; 

1. Mr. M'Duffie has asserted, that the southern states pay 
forty per cent, of the impost. The reduction by the new tariff, is 
from 6 to ^10,000,000, — sav the former sum, Forty per cent, on 
$6,000,000, is 2,400,000, reduced, if Mr. M'Duffic'sown statement 
be correct, (and surely lie at least cannot object to it) from the 



16 DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. 

contributions of the southern states. Is tliis large reduction more 
burdensome to the South 1. 

2. The debate on cotton bao-ging in 1824, occupied eight or 
ton days. It was asserted that the addition of a cent a scjuare 
j'ard would operate most oppressively on the cotton planters, 
and, if { recollect rightly, would tax them to the amoinit of above 
^100,000 anuUally. The duty is now reduced 30 per cent, from 
6 cents to 3 1-2 Is this more burdensome to, the South I 

3. By the tariif of 1828, baizes were estimated to have cost 
60 cents per square yard, and were subject to 45 per cent, on that 
rate, or 22 1-2 cents per square yard. By the new Tariff they are 
subject to 16 cents per square yard ; being a reduction of 30 per 
cent. Is this more burdensome to the South ] 

4. By the Tariif of 1828, blankets were subject to 38 1-2 per 
cent. duty. By the new taiilf, those which cost below 75 cents, 
are to pay 5 per cent. Those above 75 cents, pay 25 ; being a re- 
duction of 90 per cent, on the former, and 35 |>er cent, on the lat- 
ter. Is this more burdensome to the South 1 

5. Iron, in bars or bolts, was subject to $37 per ton.. It is now 
to pay 30; being a reduction of nearly 20 per cent. Is this more-'^ 
burdensome to the South 1 

6. Kendal cottons paid 14 cents per square yard, equal to a- 
bout 60 per cent. They are to pay 5 per cent. ; being a reduction 
of above 80 per cent. Is this more burdensome i o the Soutli 1 

7. Brown sugar paid 3 cents per lb. It iti to pay 2 1-2, The 
reduction is 16 2-3 percent. Is this more burdensome to the 
South ? 

8. White, clayed, or powdered sngnr paid 4 cents per lb. It 
is now to pay 3 1-3 cents per lb. The reduction is 16 2-3 per 
cent. Is tliis more burdensome to the South 1 

9. Teas of various kiiKts, paid duties averaging about 30 
cents per lb. They are in, future to be free. Is this more burden- 
some to the South 1 

10. Colfee paid 5 cents per lb, by the tariff of 1828 — and by 
that of 1830, one cent. It is now free. Is this more burdensouie 
to the South? 

11. AVooIIen goods, by the minimum arrangement of 1828, 
were subject to duties wliich might, and occasionally did, ftmount 
to upwards of 100 per cent. The minimum duties, which were 
more greviously coomplained of than any other portion of the ta- 
riff, are abolished, and llic duty is 50 per cent, ad valorem, 1b 
this more oppressive to the South 1 

12. Woollen goods not exceeding 33 1-3 per square yard, paid 
14 cents per square yard, averaging from 45 to 50 per cent. They 
are to pay 5 per cent, ; being a reduction of from 80 to 90 per 
cent. Is this more burdensome to the South 1 

13. Bombazines, Norwich crapes, &c. paid 36 per cent. They 



1>ISS0LUTI0\ OF THE UNieN. 17 

are <o pay 10 per cent.; beins: a reduction of above 70 per cent. 
Is this n>orc burdensome to the South 'I 

14. Sillc goods from beyond the Cape of Good Hope, paid 38 
percent. They are to f)ay 10 per coiit. L'rom lliis «ide of the 
Cape, they paid 22 per ce;>( ; they atc to pay 5 per cent, being a 
reduction of 70 j)er cent, in the one case, and 80 per cent, in the 
crther. Is this more burdensome to the v^outh ? 

15. Linens paid 27 .5 per cent. They are to pay 15 per cent.; 
being a reduction of about 45 per cent. Is this more burdenyome 
to the Soul h 1 

16. Hats, of Leghorn, straw, chip, &:c. paid 55 per cent., be- 
sides a dollar minimum. They are to p;iy 30 per cent. ; being a 
reduction of about 45 per cent, is this more burdci)some to the 
South ] 

17. Wines, Maderia and Sherry, paid 50 cents per gallon. 
The}' are to pay 25 cents ; being a reduction of 50 per cent. Is 
this more burdensome to the South 1 

18. Wines, from France, red and white, averaged 12 1-2 
cents. They are to average 4 cents ; being a reduction of G6 per 
cent. Is this more burdensome to the South '.' 

19. ^Vorsted stuff goods, vii^. bomhazcts, ratinets, moreens, 
lastings. &:o. paid 27 1-2 per cent. Tlu'y are to pay 10 per cent.; 
being a reduction of above 60 per cent. Is this more burdensome 
to the South'? 

20. Hemp paid ^80 per ton. It is to pay 40 ; being a reduc- 
tion 33 1-3 per cent. Is this more burdensome to the South ? 

21. Wools costing 8 cents per lb. paid, according to the tariff 
of 1823, 4 cents per lb., and 50 per cent, on the value. They are 
to be duty free. Is this more burdensome to the South ? 

22. Straw matting from China, of which large quantities are 
imported, pays at present 15 cents per square yard, equal to about 
150 per cent. It is in future to pay 5 per cent.; being a reduc- 
tion of about 145 per cent., I-s fhis more burdensome to the South'? 

23. Nankeens from China, pay at present 30 |!cr cent.: by 
the new tariff they are to pay 20 per CQUt.; bemg a reduction of 
duty of 33 per cent. Is this more burdensome to the South I 

24. Window glass, 10 by 15, pays at presejit ^'3 per hundred, 
feet. It is henceforward to p:iy |;4 ; being a reduction of 20 per 
cent. Is this more burdensome to the South '? 

25. Woollen ho.-^ieiy, uiits, gloves, &c. pay at present 33 1-2 
per cent. They are in fijturo to pay 25; being a redticiion of about 
35 per cent. Is this reduction more burdensome to the South 1 

26. Vesselb of coi)per pay at present 38 1-2 per cent. They 
are to pay 25 per cent. ; being a reduction of about 35 per cent. 
Ls this more bardensomc to the South ]• 

27. Hair cloth pays 33 per cent. It ib to pay 15; being fv 



15 DISSOLUTION OF THE UJPflON. 

reduction of about 60 per cent. Is this more burdensome to the 
South 1 

28. Wool, above 8 cents per lb. paid 4 cents per lb. and 55 
per cent. It is in future to pay 4 cents per lb. and 40 per cent on 
the value ; being a reduction on the ad valorem of nearly 30 per 
cent. Is this more burdensome to the South ? 

29. Manufactures of wood paid 331 per cent. They are to 
pay 25 per cent ; being a reduction of nearly 25 per cent. Is this 
more burdensome to the South 1 

30. Side and fire arms pay 33 percent. They are to pay 25^ 
in future ; being a reduction of nearly 25 per cent. Is this more 
burdensome to the South 1 

31. Adzes, axes, &c. pay 33 1-2 per cent.. They are in fu- 
ture to pay 30 ; being a reduction of above 20 per cent. Is thii? 
more burdensome to the South 1 

32. Cyphering slates pay 36 1-3 per cent. They are to pay 
25 per cent. ; being a reduction of 30 pci cent. Is this more bur- 
densome to the South 1* 

Here we see that various reductions have taken place, some 

16 2-3; 20, 50, 70, &c. per cent, on cotton bagging, blankets,, 
baizes, Kendal cottons, woollen goods of low price, bombazeens, 
Norwich crapes, silks, linens, hats, wines, hemp, low priced v^ools, 
strawmatting, nankeens, woollen hosiery, vessels of copper, adzes,, 
axes, &:c. &c. most of them articles of general use in the South- 
ern States ; and yet we are assured' that the new tariff' is more 
burdensome than the old ! ! ! ! And Mr. Hayne, in his late ad- 
dress has stated, that 

"The general character of the Bill wap manifest on its face. It had clearly a«r»ra-- 
vated the ineqiuiJitv and injustice of the system, by oTfatlyreduvini; or takinfr off en- 
tirely the duties on"the iHiprotected articles, while THE DUTIES "ON THIS PRO- 
TECTED ARTICLES REMAINED SUBSTANTIALLY THE SAME ! ! !" 

And again : 

"Duties to the amount of ^^,000,000 on the unprotected articles, have been entirely 
repealed — and upwards of u mirfion more taken off, while tke duties o/j theprottcled axti- 
cks have remdned s^ubstamiali^ imdhninished! ! T' 

How stupendous the infatuation and excitement that could 
lead a towering mind into such an egregious error I 

To the articles at present exempt from duty, the following are to be added, from. 
TJie 3d of March, 1S33. — Cocoa, almonds, corranta, prunes, figs, raisins, black pepper, 
ghjger, mace, nutmegs, cinnamon, cassia, cloves, pimento, crude, saltpetre, tiax un- 
manufactured, quicksilver, opium, (juills, unprepared, tin in plates and sheets, unmanu- 
fiicturod marble, argol, gum Arabic, gum Senegal, epaulettes of gold and silver, lac 
dye, madder, nuts and berries used in dying, saffron, turmeric, woad and pastel, alces^ 

* The e.xisling duties in the above list are stated as actually paid — that is to say, 
the to por cent, added at the custom house to the amount of the invoice, is here added to 
the duty. By the existing arrangement a nominal duty of 30, is really a duty of 33 per 
cent. 



mSSOLXJTIOX OF THK UNION. W 

ambi:^^ris, Burgundy pitch, Peruvian bark, oocliinf>aJ, capers, chamomiic flowers, cori- 
ati(l> Tseed, cantnarides, ca.- tanas, catsiij), chalk, cou-ulus Indicus, coral, dates, Hlbort,", 
filtering stones, horn plates for lanterns, ox harns, India rnhber, ipocacuanlia, ivory un- 
maniitactured, juniper berries, musk, nnts ofiill kinds, olives, oil of juniper, paintings 
and drawings, rattans unnianufaetiired, reeds unmanufactured, rhubarb, rutton stone, 
tamarinds, tortoise shell, tin toil, shellac, sponir<s, sago, lemons, limes, pine a])ples, co- 
coa nuts and shells, irris or orris root, arrowroot, sal anunoniac, coJombo root, annatto, 
anniseed, oil of anniseed, oil of cloves, cummin seed, sarsaparilla, balsam tola, assafa-ti- 
da, ava root, alcomo<(ae, eanella alba, eascarilla, Haerlem oil, hartshorn, manna, senna^ 
tapioca, vanilla beans, oil of almonds, nux vomica, amber,, platina, busts of marble, met- 
al or plaster; casts of bronze or plaster, strings of musical instruments, flints, kdp^ 
kermes, pins, needles, mother of pearl, hair manufactured, hair pencils, Brazil paste^ 
tartar crude ; v';geta!)les, such as aiT used principally in dying and composing <l^'es, 4*c. 
«^-c. And turther, — All articles not enumerated in this act, ajid which are now liable to 
an ad valorem duty of 15 percent, (except tartar emetic, llochi-lle salts, sulphate of 
quinine, calom(>l, corrosive sublimate, sulphate of magnesia and glauber salts,) are 
henceforth free of dutv. Are these ox'^mptinns more burdensome to the South ? 

It is confidently asserted by the nuUiliers and their friends^ 
that the alteration of the currency of the pound sterhng from 444 
cents to its real value, 480 cents, and the reduction of the credits 
from an average of about ten months to four, more than counter- 
vail the reduction of the duties, and thus render the new tariff 
more burdensome than the old. Let us test thiss assertion by fig- 
ures : 

Wewlll take L.1,000 sterling worth of adzes, axes, ^-c. which paid 30 per cent 
uader the old tariff^ and will pay 25 percent under the new. 

iy2S. ' 1S32. 

Z.. 1,000 equal to S4444 44 /..1,000 equal to §4,800 00 

10 per cent ad'dwdf. 44 4 44 , 

4,888 88 Duty 25 per cf>nf. 1,2C»0 00 

— DiS'orcact; m fator of importer, 237 66 

Dnty 30 per cent. 1,466 66 

Deduct 6 months' discount, at 

4 per cent, per unnuiQ,^ 29 00 

1,437 66 1,437 66 



L.1,000 worth of hosiery at 35 per At 25 per cent, in future, 

cent, in 1828, L. 1,000, equal to !>t4,800 OO 

i.l.OOO, equal to §4,444 44 . . 

10 per cent, added, 4^44 44 Duty 25 percent. 1,200 00. 

Difference in favor of importer," 476 83 

4,883 88 . . 



Duty, 35 per cent. 

Deduct 6 months' discount, 



1,711 10 
34 22 



Netdity ^11,676 S3 $1,676 88 

It mu^t not be overlooked, that the alteration: of the value of 
the p^uud sterling alTects no imports but those from Great Britain, 
an! even of those none b'lt such as are subject to ad valorem du- 
ties. 

* Th3 discount allowed for prompt p-iyment by governnjeot is only 4 per cent. The 
crelitfo'^njrly averaged 10 in )'iths; at p/esontitis only 4, for all except woollens, on 
w'l'.ch th'ire is m credit : miking a diff :re'i.-;r' of .six moiitlis a^.tinst the nnporter, under 
th- p.-esent tariff] compared wiUi tho tarilfof 1323- -and of the whole tea, |in rcg4rd to 
wgallens. 



29 



DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. 



Here it is proper to make a s^olemn paiipe on the very ver"-e of 
a tremendous precipice, oiie desperate p'un<re into which would 
lead to civil war with all its fearlui aggregation of horror:/. We 
find eight citizens, ranking among the first in the land, proLiuloa- 
ting a document wjiich isVcgarded — perhaps intended — as a sSg- 
nal to invite a single state to" resist laws duly enacted by a majori- 
ty of (he representatives of the whole Union — a resistance which is 
neither more nor less than rebellion — find this measure is urged oa 
a ground, which, when fairly examined, vanishes, " like the base- 
less fabric of a vision, and leaves not a trace behlncV The assertion, . 
that the new tarifi'is more burdensome to tlie South, tlian (he ta- 
riff of 1838, is, as we have seen, not only unsupported by fact, but 
is most unequivocally contradicted by fact, and utterly destitute of • 
ttie shadow of foundation. 

I will not allow myself to believe that these gentlemen at- 
tempted willfully (o deceive the public. Their cliaracters place 
them too high for such a suspicion. But that they have labor.red 
imder an halluciation as coaiplete as any of those' above alluded 
to, will hardly be denied. — And unhappify, an error on such an 
important subject, resulting from a want' of careful investigation, 
inay produce as fatal results, as an egregious, wilful misstatement. 
That these gentlemen havo been most culpably remiss in com- 
mitting themselves by such an erroneous document without due 
investigation, will not admit of a moment's doubt. Aiid is it not 
higlily probable — nay, almost certain— that when they have thus 
cgregiously erred on a simple question of matter of fact, where the 
error was discoverable in five minutes' examination, they have fal- 
len nito equal errors in those metaphysical abstractions and dog- 
matic opinions which they and their friends have promulgated on . 
this momentous subject, by which the passions of the ciUzens of ' 
Bouth Carolina have been roused to madness, and a portion of (he 
btate made ready " /o renew the bloody scenes of the revolution ?" 

What a melanclioly view this circumstance presents of hu- 
man affairs ! On wliat slender threads the peace and happiness 
of nations depend ! Here are, I repeat, eight citizens, \\ho, from 
station, cultivation, and standing, are arrayed in the front ranks of 
.society, w^ho, for want of proper investigation, have sanctioned with 
their honoured names, what is thus plainly and, irrefutably prov- 
od to be not only not true, but the reverse of truth, of which (he 
direct tendency is to destroy the peace and iiappiness of 13,000,0(X) 
of souls and their dpscendants — to array father agahist son, som 
against fluher, and l.Tothcr against brother — to make a jubilee tor 
ike friends of despo;i:>i» throughout the world— to coverthe friends 



DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. 21 

of mankind witli ffloom and horror — and finally to i^ive strength 
to the sickening und appaUing maxim, that man is mcapable oi 
sell-government ! Alas ! for human nature ! 

It now remains to sum up, in brief, tlie leading heads of this 
mighty question, so as to place it in a coup (Vctil before the reader. 

1. The first Congress embraced some of the members of the 
federal Convention, who in Congress zealously advocated the pro- 
tecting system, and must have known the intent and meaning of 
the instrument they devised themselves. 

2. The second act of that Congress, declared in its caption, 

'• 'Whereas if is ripcrssary for the supporr, of govomnn nl — for \ho discharge of tho 
debt"- ofthc Unilf;d StatoR, and the F.Nc'orRAGEMr.NT of manufactures, thai duties 
be laid on snoJy. ware? and merchandize imported." 

3. AH tiie Congresses from the year 1T89, to the present 
time, have enacted protecting duties, and generally by considera- 
ble majorities. 

4." For thirty years the constitutionality of the system was 
never once culled iri question. 

5. Judge Cooper and Mr. Calhoun, now among the most 
jcealous opposers of the system, on the ground of xmconstitutionali- 
tv, were its ardent advocates; the former in 1S13, and the latter 
in 1816 ! ! 

6. Mr. Lowndes, as pure, as sound, and as enlightened a 
statesman as ever lived, advocated, in 1816, the minimum duty on 
Cottons, tilt; highest duty ever imposed in this country before 
1828, and also the protection of woollens.* 

7. Six: of the eight representatives from South Carolina, Mr. 
Calhoun, Mr. Chappe'l, Mr. Lowndes, Mr. Mayrant, Mr. Middle- 
ton nnd Mr. Woodv/ard, voted for that duty. 

8. Four Presidents, General Washington, Mr. Jefierson, Mr. 
Madison and Mr. Monroe, urged the i)rolecting system on Congress. 

9. Can it for a moment b;; pretended — can the most ardent, 
unflinching, and determined nuUificr, venture to assert — that 
Gen. "VVusliington, Mr. Jeflerson, Mr. Madison, Mr. Lowndes, 
Judge Cooper in 1813, and Mr. Callioun in 181G, were less gifted, 
less sagacious to expound the constitution, or less attached to its 
spirit, than Mr. Hayne, Mr. Calhoun, and Judge Cooper, in 1832? 

10. Mr. M-Du(fie, in 1821, published a most overwhelming 
rind unanswerable refutation of the doctrine of nullification. 

11. Governor (then major) Hamilton, republished this refu- 

^ " Mr. Lowndes entcr-d inio AN AMPLE AND PARTICULAR DEFENCE 
OF THE SYSTEM REPORTED ON THE SUBJECT OF COTTONS, by 
tht' Committee of Ways and Means. ^Xatioiud IntHligencer, Maiuh 22, 1316. 

"Mr. Lownden obt;er\-ed, that he believed the manufactuke of woollens, anp 

PARTICULARLY OF BLANKETS* KEQUinED A DECIDED FHESENT ENCOURAGEMENT, — IdCTH, 

March 1816. 



23 DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. 

tation, with the highest approbation, declaring- that <• the t)t(ths it 
contains are IMFERISIMBLE." 

12. Both thos^e gentlemen, together with Mr. Calhoun and 
Judge Cooper, who are now united in urging recsistence to thego- 
vernment, were in the prime of life, with their faculties perfectly 
matured, when they advocated doctrines, the antipodes of those 
they advocate at prCf^ent. 

13. Can it be admitted, for a moment, that they were not as 
fully competent to decide on the rights and duties of the States^ 
in 1821 as they are in 1832 1 

14. The country suliered intense distress from the close of 
the late war, till the close of the year 1823, when we enjoyed 
what may be called free trade ; that is, when our duties were low» 
and calculated almost altogether for revenue. 

15. Since the year 1824, when the protecting tariff went into 
operation, the country has been uniformly prosperous, except in 
the bubble year 1825. 

16. The tales of the distress said to exist in South Carolina, 
are put down by last yaar's message of the governor, which con- 
gratulates the legislature on the prosperity of the state. 

17. Intense distress, far more than is asserted to exist at pre- 
sent, prevailed in that state from 1819 till 1823, before either of 
tlie obnoxious tariffs was passed ; and therefore it was manifestly 
unjust, and calculated to lead the people astray, to charge any 
present distress, real or supposed, to the account of the tariffs of 
1824 and 1828. 

18. The charge of the tariffs of 1824 and 1828, producing 
distress and sUlfering, was the origin of all the disafiection and the 
insurrectionary spirit that prevail in South Carolina, and are 
spreading elsewhere — and though fully proved to be destitute of 
the shadow of foundation, its effects continue with unabated viru- 
lence. 

19. The proceeds of the exports of South Carolina at present, 
are as great as they ever wejte since 1819, and her citizens pur- 
chase every article they waiit, whether foreign or domestic, at re- 
duced prices, from 10 to 30, 40 or 50 per cent. Of course, they 
must be far Kiore prosperous than they were before the enaction of 
those tariffs. 

20. Almost every article, without exception, tliat has been 
duly protected, has been improved in quality and reduced in price. 

21. While we are daily stunned with clamours about the 
danger of consolidation, the general governmenr lias been repeat- 
edly bearded by some of the otates— so that, as Mr. M'Duffie has 
justly observed, 

"We have more cause of apprehensionfrom the states, 
than from the general government — or, in other words, 
there is, in our system, a greater tendency to disuni- 
on, than to consolidation.'* 



DISSOLUTlbN OF TIIE XJ^'ION'. 23 

22. Mr. M'DufTic and his friends appear disposed (o prove 
ihe truth of this position. 

S3. Thedutiesonat least SOprotected articles are reduced from 
IG 1-3 to 145 per cent by the tariff of 1832 ; and yet we are assur- 
ed it is more burdensome to the South than that of 1828 ! ! 

24. The impost is reduced, 6 to ^10,000,000, and yet the com- 
plaint is as great as ifUtere were no alteration made. 

25. As our bread stuffs are generally prohibited in Europe, un- 
less in case of dearth — and as enormous duties are imposed on our 
ricp, tobacco, lumber, &c. &c, our duties, are perfectly justified by 
the doctrine of the Free Tradr^ Convention, that " Congress may 
countervail the regulations of all foreign poicers hostile to our commerce.^ 

26. Flour, when the bushel of wheat averages in England 5s. 
^ l-2d. slering, pays a duty of about 81 percent., and when at 6s. 

3d. a duty of about 70 per cent. 

27. The great staple of Pennsylvania is, as I have stated, al- 
most universally excluded from the ports of Europe for domestic 
consumpsion, unless in the case of dearth. The great staple of 
^outh Carolina is freely received in every port in Europe — sells at, 
fair prices — and commands cash. Yet Pennsylvania submits — and 
S. Carolina is preparing for rebelhon, because " countervailing " 
<]ut,ies have been imposed on English manufactuivs, to make a mar 
kct at home for the bread stuffs rejected abroad 1 ! 

28. In consequence of our de{)endence on Europe for blankets 
and clothing .our armies suffered more during the early ptut of the 
last war for the want of proper clothing, than from the enemy. 

29. Nothing will satisfy the nuUifiers, but such a reduction of 
duties as would ruin hundred;? of thousands of their fellow citizens. 
The most embittered enemy could not display more deadly hostility, 
than they do against those fellow-eitizeus. 

30. Kiri^ious and deplorable as a dissolution of the Union would 
be, it would not, at least for a considerable time, produce as much 
destruction and distress, as wonW immediately result from an aban- 
domnent of the protecting system, 

31. The dissolution of the Union, and the resolving the Uni- 
ted States, "into their original elements," that is , seperate confede- 
racies, jealous of, and liostile to, each other, and the sport of fo- 
reign nations, would be a subjectof universal rejoicing to despots and 
friends of depotism all over the world, and blast, and wither, and 
destroy the hopes entertained b}' the friends of mankind, of the 
practicability of republicanism — as we have had more advantages 
than any otlier nation ever had; and certainly at least as many aa 
any other nation will ever have. 

32. In the event of a dissolution of the Union, as sure as the 
sunshines, so sinely sliall we realize, in a greater or less degree, 
the deplorable scenes that have torn the governments of ?ouih 
.America in pieces for twenty years ; aiid our government will pro- 



24 DISSOLUTION OF Tl-ft: UNION. 'kJ' 

bably terminate, as some of theirs have done, in a despotism! And 
for what 1 on the construction of a chiusc of the Constitution, on 
which the nullitiers are in direct hostility with Gen. Washington, 
Mr, Jefferson, Mr.Madisoji, Mr. Monroe, Mr. Lowndes, Mr. Ames, 
and with Judge Cooper, in 1813, and Mr. Calhoun in 1816 ! Can 
history produce a stronger or dire infatuation 1 

After the reader has calmly and dispassionately considered 
the above strongfacts andfair dediiction5,let me ask him in the lan- 
guage of Col. Drayton, who boldly heads the illustrious band who 
are struggling to preserve the sacred ark of the constitution : — 

" Shall we, instead ofavaiUng oitnelvcs nf that 'tide in ike affairs of men, which, taken at 
the flood, leads on to ■prosperous fortune,^ abandon whatever w dear to ws as patriuls, jr'afso- 
ever renown we have deiivedfroni our ancestors, whatsoever of glory we leave acquired abroad, 
cndichatsorver of liberty and happiness tee have enjoyed at ho^w ; and rashly barter away 
tiicse estimable treasttres, to plunge into the vortex oj J^\dlification ?" 



We have seea several attempts to destroy tlie Union, which 
thank Heaven, have failed. May the God of infinite mercy, who 
has brought (he country through so many dangers and difliculties, 
defeat and blast and wither the present and all succeeding attempts ! 
■* So mote it 6e." 

The language of the different periods is different — the mo- 
tives assigned for action are different — tlie pleas of justification are 
different — but the grand object of all is the snip.e — THE DISSO- 
LUTION OF TFIE UNION— THE PERDITION OF THE 
SANGUINE HOPES OF THE FIRST AND BEST OF 
MANKIND THROUGHOUT THE CIVILIZED WORLD. 
LET ME ADJURE YOU, FELLOW CITIZENS OF THE 
SOUTH, BY THE IMMORTAL MEMORY OF THE IL- 
LUSTRIOUS WASHINGTON, TO ASK YOURSELVES 
THE QUESTION, COOLLY AND CALMLY, ARE YOU 
PREPARED FOR THIS HIDEOUS STATE OF THINGS, 
AND ITS INEVITABLE RESULT, CIVIL AND SOCIAL 
WARS ? 



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